Asia is undergoing a generational change impelled by the rise of a new political and economic leadership, and the emergence of new social formations.
After independence and during the Cold War, leaders of countries in the Asia Pacific region emerged from the ranks of the military, bureaucratic and political elites. During this era of relative stability and rapid economic development, at least two factors were certain t Australia: the views of the leadership and their political inclination. Now this is set to change.
A new generation of 35 to 50 year olds is coming into positions of political, economic and military influence. These new leaders are predominantly western educated, appeal to your constituency and hold a different perspective of what their country is and wants.
In Korea for example, the recent election of outsider, President Roh Moo Hyun, marks the completion of Kim Dae Jung’s presidency and the end of a political generation. At the core of this generational shift it. Korean politics is the emergence of what is dubbed the “386″ generation. They are highly educated, digitally adept, more entrepreneurial and form the backbone and the new policy force in Rho’s administration.
The three stands for their age–people in their late 30s–young and hungry for power and influence. The eight is for the 1980s when they attended University during a tumultuous period in Korean history–the shift from dictatorship to democracy. And the six is for the 1960s, when they born–the era of rapid Korean industrialisation.
The 386 generation is more conspicuously cautious about embracing the dictates of the United States, especially in relation to their belligerent northern neighbour. They are idealistically determined to root out corruption and are seeking to develop closer relations with China and Japan.
Fourth generation
In China, the “fourth generation” of leaders have formally assumed power. In their late 50s and early 60s, they are much younger then their elders who assumed leadership positions in their late sixties and early seventies. This new power cohort have shed their ideological baggage, are better educated than their predecessors and more supportive of economic and political reform. At their heels are the “fifth generation”, in their 30s to 40s. They are reputedly liberal in their outlook and are already attaining ministerial status.
The rest of Asia is not far behind. In the past year, Singapore has allocated key cabinet posts such as finance, defence and information technology to younger ministerial candidates. The prime ministerial succession is already in place for 2007. In Indonesia, the “cowboys” that brought down Abdurrahman Wahid are moving into key political positions. These young and affluent claim to hate corruption and are seen by many as the “new hope” for dismantling the Suharto-era structures.
“Cultural strife”
Within the social sphere, new demographic formations are emerging. Young people in their 20s and 30–cosmopolitan in attitude, western educated, technologically savvy, globalised in their thinking and big spenders–are starting to shake up their country’s and economy.
In the 2002 Korean election, voters in their 20s and 30s were crucial in catapulting Roh into power. This age group outnumbered Roh’s opponent by more then 20 per cent and occupied almost half (48 per cent) of the entire vote. Such a high support among the younger generation is attributed by Seoul National University professor Ho Keun Song to the fundamental change of value systems promoted by democratisation and globalisation. This change is creating a generational revolt that Professor Song claims has led to “cultural strife” in Korean society.
This cultural strife” is beginning to manifest itself in different forms across the region and globally.
In China, the Children of the post-Cultural Revolution are undergoing their own personal struggles. Products of the one-child policy, decades of political stability and phenomenal economic boom, they are looking for new ways to vent their sense of disillusionment and cynicism and express creativity. Labelled Gen E because of their propensity for electronic gadgets, they are also referred to as Gen “Me”–individualistic, very international and materially wealthy. A challenge of China’s new leadership is to satisfy a young generation with high expectations and growing material demands.
Asias next generation of leaders will face a number of defining policy challenges: responding to social forces unleashed by the economic reforms of the past decade; accommodating and coping with an acutely organised, complex and robust society; creatively and innovatively responding to the dilemmas of the new economy transformed by technology and communications, and navigating the challenges of global ‘terrorism’, global economic volatility and a post-Cold War pattern of international relations evolving in the region today.
EUGENE SEBASTIAN *
* Eugene Sebastian of the Research Institute for Asia and the Pacific (RIAP), University of Sydney, leads the Young Professionals Project exploring New Generation Asia–www.riap.usyd.edu.au/ypp
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